The turmoil at the University of San Carlos de Guatemala has triggered a public dispute between President Bernardo Arévalo and Congressman Samuel Pérez, an executive-branch ally in Congress. The clash revolves around how far presidential authority can extend in addressing accusations tied to the selection of Walter Mazariegos as rector, along with the constitutional boundaries and the scope of university autonomy.
Pérez questioned the president’s decision to await judicial rulings before taking further action. Arévalo responded that the presidency cannot act beyond its authorized powers and argued that the legislator’s statements reveal an “information gap” regarding the executive branch’s authority.
The debate highlights two differing views on how the government should respond to a controversy that remains pending judicial decisions. Both parties question the legitimacy of Mazariegos’s administration, but differ on the type of action the government should take.
Differences Regarding Presidential Powers
Samuel Pérez characterized Arévalo’s stance—restricting the Executive Branch’s actions to whatever the courts dictate—as “insufficient”. The congressman contended that the Presidency has refrained from exercising “public authority” to address the university crisis.
His criticism centers on the government’s broader failure to step in regarding Walter Mazariegos’ ongoing tenure, and Pérez argues that the president’s reaction falls short of the responsibilities he believes the executive branch should exercise in the face of the conflict.
Arévalo rejected this argument during *La Ronda*. The president indicated that there is a lack of understanding regarding the powers the Constitution grants the president and noted that his administration must respect the legal limits of its actions.
According to the president’s position, any intervention exceeding those powers could affect the autonomy of the USAC. For that reason, the executive branch has maintained its decision to await the rulings of the courts and to request that the relevant institutions investigate the complaints filed during the rector election process.
The difference between the two officials, therefore, lies in their interpretation of the scope of presidential action. Pérez calls for more active involvement, while Arévalo maintains that the conflict must be resolved through existing legal procedures.
Arévalo Rejects Allegations of Possible Agreements
The president also denied the existence of any hidden agreements related to the election process for university officials. Arévalo stated that these allegations are unfounded and attributed them to a lack of information or to the “bad faith” of those who made them.
The president affirmed that he had pressed judicial authorities, through the Office of the President, to look into reports of potential irregularities and legal breaches that may have taken place during the university’s election process, while also emphasizing that his role must stay strictly within constitutional limits.
This position places the resolution of the conflict in the hands of the institutions responsible for adjudicating legal proceedings. For the Executive Branch, respect for these procedures is part of the obligation not to intervene directly in the university’s internal decisions.
Pérez’s stance raises a different demand. Although the congressman has also resorted to judicial mechanisms, he believes that the presidential leadership can play a more far-reaching role in addressing the situation at USAC.
Perspectiva presents this exchange as the first public difference of opinion between the executive branch and one of its main legislative allies regarding the university crisis. The disagreement does not concern the assessment of Mazariegos’s administration, but rather the tools that should be used to address it.
Pérez Initiates Legal Proceedings Against Mazariegos
While raising doubts about the president’s conduct, Samuel Pérez continues to advance a legal case targeting Walter Mazariegos, which includes criminal filings that cite a potential charge of abuse of authority.
The congressman thus combines his political criticism with the use of legal proceedings. His position is that awaiting judicial rulings should not prevent the executive branch from exercising other forms of leadership within its authority.
Arévalo, for his part, maintains that any measure must avoid a potential violation of university autonomy or any action that could be challenged for exceeding presidential authority. His response reaffirms a stance of institutional prudence based on the separation of functions between the executive branch, university authorities, and judicial bodies.
The controversy creates tension in the relationship between the Presidency and one of its allies in Congress. It also reflects a difference of opinion on how state power should be used in the face of an institutional crisis: through more active political intervention, as Pérez proposes, or by respecting judicial processes and constitutional limits, as Arévalo argues.
The situation at USAC remains tied to pending investigations and rulings. Until those decisions are made, the debate between the two parties will continue to focus on the scope of presidential authority, university autonomy, and the institutional channels available to address complaints related to the rector’s election.
